Archive for the ‘Marxist Culture’ Category

#399 – Flexible Regime of Accumulation

Friday, June 25th, 2010

the system is flexible, resistance is futile, we are all popoids now.

Flexible accumulation has been accompanied on the consumption side, therefore, by a much greater attention to quick-changing fashions and the mobilization of all the artifices of need inducement and cultural transformation that this implies. The relatively stable aesthetic of Fordist modernism has given way to all the ferment, instability, and fleeting qualities of a postmodernist aesthetic that celebrates difference, ephemerality, spectacle, fashion, and the commodification of cultural forms.

—David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Inquiry into the Conditions of Cultural Change

#391 – A Short Organum for the Strawdog Theatre

Sunday, May 30th, 2010

giving brecht a new identity.

“[The spectator] can for instance hear a woman speaking and imagine her speaking differently, let us say in a few weeks’ time, or other women speaking differently at that moment but in another place.” – Bertolt Brecht, “A Short Organum for the Theatre”

Michaela Petro and John Henry Roberts in Strawdog Theater Company’s The Good Soul of Szechuan.

The danger in Strawdog Theatre’s recent production of Bertolt Brecht’s The Good Soul of Szechuan is that the festive style might leave the audience with only a shoulder shrug of existentialist absurdism—“life, whattya gonna do? Mine as well just have a good time.”

But, of course, the alienation effect of Brecht’s epic theater is not supposed to do this; it is supposed to spark audiences to act when confronted with the impossible and shocking contradictions of capitalism. One might leave Strawdog Theatre’s raucous production resigned to just kickin’ it individualistically, when you’re supposed to leave resolved to kick out the jams collectively. We are not, in other words, supposed to shrug our shoulders and party but exclaim, “hey, capitalism, damn, let’s overthrow it now, why don’t we!”

Fortunately, the acting allows the play to have its absurdist joys and dialectically materialize them too. It does so through shape-shifting stylization. In particular, Michaela Petro, who plays the central character Shen Te, never stays in one place. Her acting as Brecht’s hooker with a heart of gold (the cast playfully calls Shen Te “Shan-tey” over porno soundtrack music, something I think Brecht would have appreciated) suggests that the idea of collectivity—in particular, collectivity as the range of personalities and character-types that a social system produces—can in fact lurk within one individual.

Some of this shape-shifting is in the play already. Brecht has Shen Te adopt the alter ego Shui Ta—a ruthless businessman cousin who is the polar opposite of the good soul Shen Te (Petro plays Shui Ta as a kind of hip-hop gangsta). So too, like most actors in Brecht’s plays, Petro must step out of her fictional roles to address the audience directly, explaining repeatedly what her character is doing at the moment.

Under the direction of Shade Murray, however, Petro takes the instability of her three roles much further. She moves continuously through different voices, gestures, mannerisms, movements, and personae to the point that we can never quite pinpoint whom she is performing when. She is never herself. Which is to say, she never acts Shen Te as a stable personality. This is just as Brecht prescribes. He advises actors to maintain a distance from their roles in order to alienate audiences and enliven their senses of critical awareness.

So there are many, many more characters in Petro’s version than just Shen Te, Shui Ta, and the Actor. Another way to say this would be that she is performing everyone. She is an Everyman. Or, more appropriately, Everywoman. Or, maybe best said, Everyperson.

Watching from the audience, this becomes like gazing at a blur. Girlish, macho, comic, tender, tough, mean, lovelorn, hateful, tragic, devoted, doubtful, lost, found, defeated, poised…Petro whirls through expressive modes until the audience is pulled into the vortex. By the end of the play, we are not only no longer certain what a “good soul” is in capitalist society, but also what constitutes a “soul” at all.

Society and social revolution might not be up for grabs in this updated version of Brecht’s classic, then, but the self certainly is. Instead of sweeping capitalism into the dustbin of history, we get caught in the tangled strands of identity within capitalism.

Moreover, the production suggests, the broom has lost its handle. The soul in Strawdog’s The Good Soul of Szechuan has neither beginning nor end. Instead, we witness a seemingly endless motion of selves. They bristle and brush against each other, none of them ever becoming the essential Shen Te.

To put it another way, there is no wellspring of the self in this play’s worldview. There is only a torrent of social forces out of which we conduct a furious mop up operation, soaking up possible selves, slashing and splashing our way through the muck. Petro’s performance suggests that at least one of the problems of capitalist society—it prevents us from being whole—might be a canard. Rather, the uncertain selfhood produced by capitalist dilemmas might itself be productive of new possibilities.

In the whirl of manipulations and compromised ethics that Shen Te confronts—that we all face—the self-made man of capitalism gives way, in a blurry, fleetingly-glimpsed moment, to the continuously and inventively self-unmade person. There’s no broom here anymore, and no dustbin either. But there is still a sweeping gesture. By continually dissimulating, Petro’s Shen Te brilliantly rifles through selves and sorts the scattered remains in search of the good that might unify people.

Whereas Brecht’s original play might have emphasized that the liberated and good soul would only emerge after capitalism was vanquished, Strawdog’s incarnation reverses the order: only out of the free-wheeling motion of identity through improvisatory wit might a new and robust collectivity to oppose capitalism’s impossible choices emerge.

It’s a daring implication. Though not really an answer to the material woes of capitalism, it does open up cultural space for the investigation of potential responses to the social, moral, and indeed religious dilemmas of the system. And this new space erupts from the ability of drama to show how collectivity lurks within us as well as without.

At the end of the play, Shen Te is frozen in the afterglow of the glaring spots. The self becomes projected onto a stage—of both theater and history—beyond which she asks us to go. This is an act, and a good one.

#374 – Bloc That Metaphor!

Friday, March 12th, 2010

the long march through the institutions has not reached the new yorker, apparently.

“Gramsci would not be pleased.” – Hendrik Hertzberg

Hendrik Hertzberg, trying to be funny in his March 8th Talk of the Town column for the New Yorker, mentions Iowa Representative Steve King’s bizarre invocation of Antionio Gramsci in an anti-healthcare reform speech at C-PAC, the Conservative Political Action Conference.

Here is a transcript of King’s speech, in all its McCarthyist (or is that McCarhtyite?) paranoia:

Now who are we up against? I want to define that enemy. They are: liberals, they are progressives, they are Che Guevarians, they are Castroites, they are socialists, more enemies on this list, Gramsciites, ring anybody’s bell? Trotskyites, Maoists, Stalinists, Leninists, Marxists. They are all our enemies. Who’d I leave out? I think I heard that. How about I go to: democratic socialists? And I’m going to ask you to go to the dsausa.org website and take a look and see what you find there. The Democratic Socialists of America. They are the socialists. There is a game plan on there.

Hertzberg, rightfully critiquing this paranoia by joking about the obscure reference to Gramsci, writes:

Strictly speaking, that should be Gramscians, followers of Antonio Gramsci, the Italian Communist Party leader of the nineteen-twenties. Ding-dong!

The journalist ends his piece by pointing out how centrist the current health care legislation is:

The health-care reform bill—which, despite everything, is still alive—is an ambitious piece of legislation, however modest it may be by the measure of the rest of the developed world. Ideologically and substantively, it is centrist. It has Republicans, and Republicanism, in its family tree. For better or for worse, it’s already bipartisan. Gramsci would not be pleased.

But if you’ve read your Gramsci, you would know that Gramsci actually might be pleased.

This depends a bit on your interpretation of Gramsci, of course. Those who use Gramsci to affirm older, clunkier Marxist theories of ideological domination by ruling economic classes would cite the watered-down nature of the health care bill as an example of what Gramsci called “consent”: the compromised nature of health care reform offers an example of how the dominant class asserts its ideology over everyone, thus limiting radical reform. In this use of Gramsci, the socialist thinker and activist would not be pleased—though he would get to say “told you so!” from the prison he was thrown into for his beliefs.

Or, more intriguingly, the centrist health care bill could be read as the beginnings of what Gramsci called a “counter-hegemonic bloc,” a new set of ideas and cultural attitudes that draws together groups that might not always agree with each other or have the same economic interests in society.

In the case of health care reform, these beliefs revolve around the realization that corporate capitalist markets do not, in fact, solve all problems—and that it may be better in the case of health care for government to step in, regulate, and shape health care to make it a right, accessible and affordable for all. With this reading of Gramsci, he would indeed be pleased about the long march through the institutions, including the Congress, to make life better for citizens.

But, if that is the case, then is King right?! Only if you think that the more than 25 million uninsured people in the United States more than 44 million uninsured and 25 million underinsured are also the enemy within.

#317 – My Baby Don’t Care

Monday, June 8th, 2009

when “i don’t care” is caring deeply: tom stoppard’s rock ‘n’ roll & the sixties.

If the genre of rock ‘n’ roll proposed that pop music could be theater, then Tom Stoppard’s play Rock ‘n’ Roll proposes that theater could be rock ‘n’ roll. At least in Charles Newell’s staging at the Goodman Theatre in Chicago this was the case. Featuring rows of stacked amplifier speakers and stage spotlights behind all the scenes, whether they took place in Cambridge, England cottage gardens or Communist-era Czech flats, the set hinted at how rock music suffused the most informal spaces of everyday life with an energy of the theatrical.

As the play conveyed quite well, rock circulated a pulsating dreamworld light that was at once semi-secretive, a glow concealed in the grooves of LPs and hidden within inner sleeves of record covers, and roaringly present, exploding the listener into an alternative universe of drama, comedy, and catharsis. Not unlike its precise opposite — state surveillance — rock was both always there, lurking in the shadows, and front and center, mesmerizing the citizenry.

stoppardrocknroll

Rock ‘n’ Roll, by Tom Stoppard.

“I don’t care,” is the final line of the play. It is spoken by the middle-aged English daughter of a Cambridge Marxist philosopher to her father’s ex-student, a Czech lover of Western rock who stumbles into becoming an anti-Communist dissident. She declares “I don’t care” after she runs off with the student decades after they first met in the months after the 1968 Prague Spring. By play’s end, it’s 1990, the year after the fall of communism, and she says the line moments before she and her new lover witness the Rolling Stones performing in Prague.

In the immediate context of the scene, the line teeters between an admission of failure and a shout of astounding victory.

Most directly, “I don’t care” is about the daughter finally forgiving herself for her own sense of a wasted youth.

But it also sounds like Stoppard himself finally giving up on the conventional Marxist politics that guided key characters in the play, such as the daughter’s father, a stalwart Stalinist and CP member. At the same time, “I don’t care,” also sounds like a suspicion that, even when rock music kept the spirit of dissidence alive in the Eastern Bloc, the Rolling Stones’ performance feels surprisingly like a shallow victory over communism. Thrilling, yes, but anything more than that? Knowing that the fall of communism only presented the new, and deeply troubling, problems of global capitalism in Eastern Europe, we’re not sure.

As the play ends, the spotlights turn up and glare into the audience’s eyes. We’re blinded for a moment. We care deeply, and in a blast of bass, guitar, and drums, are swept up, carefree.

But there’s more.

“I don’t care.” This line is spoken, I think, in the spirit of the Plastic People of the Universe, the Czech rock band who haunt the play along with the ex-Pink Floyd singer and Cambridge, England, recluse Syd Barrett. Like so many counterculturalists, the Plastics just wanted to be free. They sought self-expression and group experimentation and a space for art-making. The Plastics merely wanted to play their music and thought of themselves as apolitical. They “didn’t care.” Yet they became dissidents, co-conspirators with Vaclav Havel, and a cause célèbre in the West, simply for not caring.

Not caring, when you get to thinking about it, actually turns out to be a complex idea. Stating that “I don’t care” is, oddly, a declaration of caring. In negating concern, it winds up communicating concern. Intentionally foregoing control, the speaker of this declaration asserts a strange kind of autonomy. Far from apathy, “I don’t care” comes across in Stoppard’s play as a carefully-wrought carefreeness rather than carelessness. The choice not to choose is to care enough not to care.

Okay, so it all starts to make sense, perhaps, the more stoned one gets. Fine, so be it. That does not make it any less intriguing as a speech act or the staking out of a position. To not care is to ask whether any of one’s past was worth it at all. To throw in the towel. To cease to matter. And yet, to not care is also the encapsulation of what Stoppard notices as the strange politics of the sixties counterculture: the refusal of “I don’t care” is what, in fancier language, the historian Julie Stephens has called, an “anti-disciplinary protest.”

“I don’t care” becomes a kind of paradoxical statement close to the heart of the sensibility that guided the sixties counterculture. If not exactly political, then the declaration “I don’t care” was certainly public.

It was, after all, a declaration of independence — one with all the dangers of living in, and living out, the paradox of caring not to care.

Addendum: “Can theatre and rock music ever mix?”

Image: Goodman Theatre

#315 – The People’s Republic of Miller High Life

Tuesday, June 2nd, 2009

of beer and advertising the proletarian revolution, or, workers of the world, you have nothing to lose but your hangovers!

In CR #301, we explored the spate of new commercials that almost instantaneously incorporated the current economic crisis into their advertising. These commercials — for fast food, cars, and even for financial investment products (!) — seek to absorb the anxieties of the current crisis into the fantastical dreamworld of consumerism.

Perhaps the most fascinating recent advertising campaign of this type is the Miller High Life “Delivery Guy” series, which features a delivery man re-appropriating bottles of Miller High Life from elites who are out of touch with the common man. The beer is taken back from a luxury box at a sporting event, from the fancy-hats crowd at a Kentucky Derby-like race, and from the hip elites behind the velvet rope and bouncer at a nightclub.

The message of the ads, delivered by a working-class delivery guy, is a strangely sublimated version of disaccumulation, of redistributing private property from the top to the bottom. But instead of smashing the state, or smashing the machines of capitalist alienation, here proletarian revolution is merely bottled and redistributed in a consumer fantasy of working-class reappropriation.

As such, the advertisements speak in the realm of leisure (and of beer, which has a long history of involvement in class struggles — just think of all those German socialists in the 19th century U.S.) to class resentments and fantasies of class resistance. So too, the ads keep those feelings and ideas bottled up and puts them on ice, then pours them out into humor and intoxication rather than actual revolution.

The true high life remains for some, but not for all.

Miller High Life “Delivery Guy” Ad Campaign

#299 – Credit Default Swap

Thursday, April 2nd, 2009

swapping neoliberalism for neosocialism?

…there’s some people who think the problem is so bad, that if you actually recognize the losses, that it’s akin to smashing the equipment in the factory. – Anonymous Hedge Fund Manager, September 2008, N+1

Continuing to take stock, in various rhetorics, of the current financial crisis:

N+1 magazine’s latest, typically-sharp issue juxtaposes an interview with an anonymous hedge fund manager (who as each interview takes us deeper into the crisis, grows less sanguine) and David Harvey’s Marxist perspective. Most of the time, these two residents of New York City seem to live on different planets. As one would expect, the hedge fund manager perceives things from within the neoliberal framework. He knows that something has gone wrong, but turns to the same tools and ideas of financialization for the fix. Harvey crashes the party (or better said, crashes the financial crash) with the language of Marxism, which allows him to view the crisis through the lens of political economy. This gives him the ability to see the problems of credit, debt, and asset management as linked to deeper structural and political problems of production, housing, ideology, and class warfare. What is astonishing is to read the hedge fund manager move closer and closer, dimly but inexorably, to Harvey’s way of thinking.

Speaking of class warfare, Washington Monthly featured this nice anecdote about why there is such a swell of populist rage at Wall Street. It’s a seamy example, but part of why the Obama administration should fear this populist rage too. After all, it’s essentially the very same Wall Street neoliberals — Tim Geithner, Robert Rubin, Larry Summers — in charge of economic policy within the White House. Thus far, their use of government power seems to sacrifice the interests of the broader populace to guarantee that this class of financiers remains in power.

Back to David Harvey. He has been out in public more often of late as neoliberal frameworks seem increasingly incapable of explaining what is happening. Here he is on Laura Flanders’s Grit TV in a good discussion with the always-rambling-but-also-entertaining Alexander Cockburn. “Does the left have a plan?” they ask, unsure as to whether the United States in particular can get outside neoliberalism at all.

It would seem that developing alternatives to neoliberalism is becoming increasingly essential. If, as Naomi Klein has argued, neoliberals used crises — or even manufactured them — to remake economic relationships, then maybe this crisis of neoliberalism provides the opportunity to remake the world too, but this time in a more just and democratic way.

#297 – Taking Stock

Saturday, March 28th, 2009

set your seismoscope to “the deep tectonic shifts in the spatio-temporal disposition of capitalist development.”

A haunting quotation from Fernand Braudel, historian of the longue duree, on financialization — which he perceives as the historical progression in each epoch of capitalism from the more material activities of commodity production, manufacturing, and trade to the far more abstract activities of financial markets: leveraged capital, derivatives, book-keeping party tricks, and other modes of numerical legerdemain.

Every capitalist development of this order seems, by reaching the stage of financial expansion, to have in some sense announced its maturity: it was a sign of autumn.

- From The Perspective of the World: Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century, Vol. III, 246.

Rolling Stone Illustration by Victor Juhasz

Illustration by Victor Juhasz

Is the end nigh? Probably not. But maybe something is ending and something else beginning in the longer story of capitalism, at least that’s the story told, in different rhetorics, by Matt Taibbi and David Harvey.

Image: Rolling Stone.

#240 – Untoxic Assets

Thursday, October 2nd, 2008

marx’s stock rises in the devaluation of neoliberal economics.

Culture Rover has been enjoying the following for thinking about the current financial crisis:

Joshua Clover, aka jane dark, has been turning phrases with a fury during the last few weeks, drawing on a sophisticated cultural Marxist analysis to pull the veil away from neoliberalism. Following his twists and turns as he does so is well worth the effort.

Getting to attend, in virtual form, David Harvey’s famous class on Marx’s Capital, is a good justification for why the Internet was created. Well, actually it was created for communication in the event of a nuclear apocalypse. But, in a time of financial apocalypse, Harvey’s website also offers the hope of a noncommercialized, shared technological commons in which we might study the world for what it is — and what it might be. Bloggers of the world, you have nothing to lose except those annoying banner ads!